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  • The Top 10 Free Online Dating Sites For 2015 - Best Free Dating Websites List
  • Where To Go For Over 60 Dating
  • The Top 10 Free Online Dating Sites For 2015 - Best Free Dating Websites List

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    Show me the slightly less cool mobile version instead. Why millennials are facing the scariest financial future of any generation since the Great Depression.

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    By Michael Hobbes Like everyone in my generation, I am finding it increasingly difficult not to be scared about the future and angry about the past.

    More millennials live with their parents than with roommates. We are delaying partner-marrying and house-buying and kid-having for longer than any previous generation. And, according to The Olds, our problems are all our fault: We got the wrong degree. We killed cereal and department stores and golf and napkins and lunch. This is what it feels like to be young now.

    Not only are we screwed, but we have to listen to lectures about our laziness and our participation trophies from the people who screwed us. Click here for a text-only version of the story But generalizations about millennials, like those about any other arbitrarily defined group of 75 million people, fall apart under the slightest scrutiny. Every stereotype of our generation applies only to the tiniest, richest, whitest sliver of young people. And the circumstances we live in are more dire than most people realize.

    Calculations based on average per-student borrowing in and Census, young adults ages Based on current trends, many of us won't be able to reture until we're Projection for the class of based on a NerdWallet analysis of federal data. What is different about us as individuals compared to previous generations is minor. What is different about the world around us is profound. Salaries have stagnated and entire sectors have cratered.

    At the same time, the cost of every prerequisite of a secure existence—education, housing and health care—has inflated into the stratosphere. From job security to the social safety net, all the structures that insulate us from ruin are eroding. And the opportunities leading to a middle-class life—the ones that boomers lucked into—are being lifted out of our reach.

    Earlier this year she had to borrow money to file for bankruptcy. I heard the same walls-closing-in anxiety from millennials around the country and across the income scale, from cashiers in Detroit to nurses in Seattle. But what we are living through now, and what the recession merely accelerated, is a historic convergence of economic maladies, many of them decades in the making. Decision by decision, the economy has turned into a young people-screwing machine. Understanding structural disadvantage is pretty complicated.

    Chapter 1 hat Scott remembers are the group interviews. Eight, 10 people in suits, a circle of folding chairs, a chirpy HR rep with a clipboard. At some of the interviews he was by far the least qualified person in the room.

    The other applicants described their corporate jobs and listed off graduate degrees. Some looked like they were in their 50s.


    He still lives at home, chipping in a few hundred bucks every month to help his mom pay the rent. In theory, Scott could apply for banking jobs again. But his degree is almost eight years old and he has no relevant experience. And pay off his student loans in 20 years. There are millions of Scotts in the modern economy. Inmore than 50 percent of college graduates had a job offer lined up.

    For the class offewer than 20 percent of them did. According to a study, every 1 percent uptick in the unemployment rate the year you graduate college means a 6 to 8 percent drop in your starting salary—a disadvantage that can linger for decades. The same study found that workers who graduated during the recession were still making less than their counterparts who graduated 10 years later. Kahn, Labour Economics, By now, those unlucky millennials who graduated at the wrong time have cascaded downward through the economy.

    A university diploma has practically become a prerequisite for even the lowest-paying positions, just another piece of paper to flash in front of the hiring manager at Quiznos. Sincethe economy has added Inyoung workers with a high school diploma had roughly triple the unemployment rate and three and a half times the poverty rate of college grads.

    Once you start tracing these trends backward, the recession starts to look less like a temporary setback and more like a culmination. Over the last 40 years, as politicians and parents and perky magazine listicles have been telling us to study hard and build our personal brands, the entire economy has transformed beneath us. For decades, most of the job growth in America has been in low-wage, low-skilled, temporary and short-term jobs.

    The United States simply produces fewer and fewer of the kinds of jobs our parents had.

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    The Federal Reserve cracked down on inflation. Companies started paying executives in stock options. Pension funds invested in riskier assets. The cumulative result was money pouring into the stock market like jet fuel.

    Between andthe average time that investors held stocks before flipping them went from eight years to around four months. The pressure to deliver immediate returns became relentless. The new paradigm took over corporate America. Private equity firms and commercial banks took corporations off the market, laid off or outsourced workers, then sold the businesses back to investors. In the s alone, a quarter of the companies in the Fortune were restructured. Companies were no longer single entities with responsibilities to their workers, retirees or communities.

    Businesses applied the same chop-shop logic to their own operations. Executives came to see themselves as first and foremost in the shareholder-pleasing game. Higher staff salaries became luxuries to be slashed. Unions, the great negotiators of wages and benefits and the guarantors of severance pay, became enemy combatants. And eventually, employees themselves became liabilities. Boomer Millennial Hours of minimum wage work needed to pay for four years of public college Source: National Center for Education Statistics.

    Calculations based on tuition for four-year public universities from and Thirty years ago, she says, you could walk into any hotel in America and everyone in the building, from the cleaners to the security guards to the bartenders, was a direct hire, each worker on the same pay scale and enjoying the same benefits as everyone else.

    Since the downturn, the industry that has added the most jobs is not tech or retail or nursing. Where previous generations were able to amass years of solid experience and income in the old economy, many of us will spend our entire working lives intermittently employed in the new one.

    Trade groups have responded to the dwindling number of secure jobs by digging a moat around the few that are left. The harder it is to become a plumber, the fewer plumbers there will be and the more each of them can charge.

    Nearly a third of American workers now need some kind of state license to do their jobs, compared to less than 5 percent in It was supposed to be training, but she says she worked the same hours and did the same tasks as paid staffers.

    All of these trends—the cost of education, the rise of contracting, the barriers to skilled occupations—add up to an economy that has deliberately shifted the risk of economic recession and industry disruption away from companies and onto individuals. For our parents, a job was a guarantee of a secure adulthood.

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    For us, it is a gamble. Chapter 2 Becoming poor is not an event. It is a process. Like a plane crash, poverty is rarely caused by one thing going wrong. Usually, it is a series of misfortunes—a job loss, then a car accident, then an eviction—that interact and compound. I heard the most acute description of how this happens from Anirudh Krishna, a Duke University professor who has, over the last 15 years, interviewed more than 1, people who fell into poverty and escaped it.

    He started in India and Kenya, but eventually, his grad students talked him into doing the same thing in North Carolina. The mechanism, he discovered, was the same. We often think of poverty in America as a pool, a fixed portion of the population that remains destitute for years. In fact, Krishna says, poverty is more like a lake, with streams flowing steadily in and out all the time. Between andthe probability that a working-age American would unexpectedly lose at least half her family income more than doubled.

    And the danger is particularly severe for young people. In the s, when the boomers were our age, young workers had a 24 percent chance of falling below the poverty line. By the s, that had risen to 37 percent. And the numbers only seem to be getting worse. From tothe poverty rate among young workers with only a high school diploma more than tripled, to 22 percent. Gabriel is 19 years old and lives in a small town in Oregon. He plays the piano and, until recently, was saving up to study music at an arts college.

    Last summer he was working at a health supplement company. Then his sister got into a car accident, T-boned turning into their driveway. His mom wasn't able to take a day off without risking losing her job, so Gabriel called his boss and left a message saying he had to miss work for a day to get his sister home from the hospital.
    The population of Thailand was estimated to be 68, It is concentrated in the rice growing areas of the central, northeastern, and northern regions.

    Its urban population—principally in greater Bangkok—was Accurate statistics are difficult to arrive at, as millions of Thai migrate from rural areas to cities, then return to their place of origin to help with seasonal field work. Officially they have rural residency, but spend most of the year in urban areas. At the time of the census, the figure was down to 3. Even though Thailand has one of the better social security systems in Asia, the increasing population of elderly people is a challenge for the country.

    Ninety percent of them are ages 20—24, the youngest range of the workforce. An aggressive public education campaign begun in the earlys reduced the number of new HIV infections fromto under 10, annually. A study by the Child Safety Promotion and Injury Prevention Centre of Ramathibodi Hospital revealed that more than 1, youths under 15 years old died from drowning each year, or an average four deaths a day, becoming the top cause of deaths of children, even exceeding that of motorbike deaths.

    Thailand's Disease Control Department estimates that only 23 percent of Thai children under 15 can swim. The Fiscal Policy Office projects that the number of Thais aged plus will increase from 14 percent in to Ethnic groups in Thailand Ethnological map of Thailand, Thailand 's ethnic origins are diverse and continue to evolve. The nation's ethnic makeup is obscured by the pressures of ThaificationThai nationalism, and social pressure, which is intertwined with a caste -like mentality assigning some groups higher social status than others.

    In its report to the United Nations for the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discriminationthe Thai government officially recognized 62 ethnic communities. Thus, though over 3. In descending order, the largest equal to or greater thanare a 15, Lao Chinese origins as evidenced by surname were erased in the s by royal decree. Fourteen percent of Thais may have Chinese origins.

    Those assigned Thai ethnicity in the census process made up the vast majority of the population in The vast majority of the Isan people, one-third of Thailand's population, are of ethnic Lao [12] with some Khmer minority. They speak the Isan language. Additionally there have been more recent waves of immigration from Vietnam and Cambodia across porous borders due to wars and subsequent poverty over the last few decades, whose immigrants have tried to keep a low profile and blend in.

    In more recent years the Isan people began mixing with the rest of the nation as urbanization and mobility increase.

    Myanmar's numerous ethnic wars between the army and tribes who speak more than 40 languages and control large fiefdoms or states, has led to waves of immigrants seeking refuge or work in Thailand. The makeup of Myanmar nationals is complex and includes, for example, people of Nepali ethnicity who escaped Nepal, entered Myanmar, and then emigrated to Thailand.

    An additional 1, Myanmar nationals of all ethnicities, 40, Laotians, andCambodians were without legal work authorization, but also worked and resided in Thailand.

    The language of the central Thai population is the educational and administrative language. Other dialects of Thai exist, most notably the Southern Thai language. Malay- and Yawi-speaking Muslims of the south are another significant minority group 2. Other groups include the Khmer ; the Monwho are substantially assimilated with the Thai, and the Vietnamese.

    Smaller mountain-dwelling tribessuch as the Hmong and Mienas well as the Karennumber aboutSomeHmong were to have received citizenship in A number of nationals from China are able to physically blend in after learning Thai claiming to be Thai themselves. Significant numbers of Filipinos work in Thailand due to their English-language skills, as well as technical workers from Japan and Korea. Thousands of Japanese also have retired in Thailand.

    In recent years there has been a large influx of Russian-speaking retirees and extended-stay tourists in the kingdom. Languages of Thailand Thailand is dominated by languages of the Southwestern Tai family.

    Karen languages are spoken along the border with Burma, Khmer is spoken near Cambodia and previously throughout central Thailandand Malay in the south near Malaysia. The Thai hill tribes speak numerous small languages, many Chinese retain varieties of Chinese, and there are half a dozen sign languages.

    Thailand has 73 living languages.
    The degree of protection they offer against HIV and STIs is significantly better than any other single prevention method, taken in isolation, other than sexual abstinence or complete mutual monogamy between two people who have tested negative for HIV.

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    Despite this, the use and promotion of condoms continue to be targets for controversy and criticism, and sexual abstinence and monogamy are often promoted as superior alternatives. While condoms offer useful and vital protection, they have also become associated with promiscuity and infidelity. Museveni later complained of being misunderstood and signed an article in The Lancet saying that condoms formed a valuable part of HIV prevention.

    Therefore questions of condom efficacy have to be addressed and misapprehensions corrected. The spermatozoon can easily pass through the 'net' that is formed by the condom. These margins of uncertainty Knowing how well they protect against other STIs is important for sexual health in general and may be particularly important for people with HIV, who may be more vulnerable to the effects of certain STIs. The main findings of studies we look at in more detail below are as follows: In other words, for every cases of HIV infection that would happen without condom use, about 15 range: Condoms offer a similar degree of protection against gonorrhoea.

    The best estimate we have is that using condoms more than three-quarters of the time halves the chance of acquiring HSV-2, and may reduce the chances of genital infection with the cold sore virus HSV-1 too.

    Another has found that condom use helps to prevent HPV infection progressing to cervical or penile cancer in both women and men. These are based upon observations of their use in contraception: Condoms are, however, the only method on that list that has been shown to protect against STIs as well as pregnancy. Laboratory studies and product testing have shown that reputable condoms tested in the laboratory are completely impermeable to micro-organisms as small as viruses.

    In these circumstances, it is easy to see why condoms sometimes fail, even in consistent users. In addition, however, people are not consistent in their use of condoms, and may not even be consistent when they claim to be, or think they are. Women were much less likely to report inconsistent use of condoms than never using them: The efficacy of an intervention is how well it works in a scientific trial or when people use it as indicated, i. Because these studies involve private behaviours that investigators cannot observe directly, it is difficult to determine accurately whether an individual is a condom user and whether condoms are used consistently and correctly.

    The next problem is deciding what kind of study provides truly reliable evidence.

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    It would be unethical to mount a randomised trial of condom use because the control group would have to stop using them altogether. The evidence we have is based on three types of trials, and each has potential weaknesses. These can be done in individuals whose characteristics are known and can be controlled for, and if the relationship truly is monogamous then infections by acute STIs and from outsiders can be ruled out.

    One disadvantage is that condom use in long-term relationships, even in serodiscordant couples, is relatively rare. Another is that the HIV-positive partner will be chronically infected and so will not have the very high viral load characteristic of acute HIV infection. For these reasons, HIV transmission within long-term serodiscordant relationships, especially heterosexual ones, may be rarer than it is between casual sex partners.

    Another kind of study is to conduct a prospective cohort study, looking at differences in HIV incidence between two groups of people according to their usage of condoms.

    There is opportunity for qualitative research too, contrasting attitudes and drivers of behaviour between people who become infected with HIV or other STIs and those who do not. Condom efficacy against acute STIs can also be measured, if people have multiple partners, or their partners do.

    The weaknesses of this kind of study include the fact that condom use cannot be corroborated by partners, so self-report is likely to be even more unreliable. A study that measures HIV incidence in condom users and non-users will be confounded, for instance, if one group has substantially fewer sexual partners than the other.

    For this reason and because HIV seroconversion even in high-risk populations is a relatively uncommon event, prospective cohort studies have to be large and can be quite costly. A third kind of study is to conduct a retrospective cohort study, asking people about their condom use and contrasting HIV and STI prevalence in users and non-users. Retrospective cohort studies are subject to greater limitations that prospective ones.

    For all these reasons, measuring the efficacy of condoms or indeed other established prevention methods and strategies such as serosorting can be challenging. Nonetheless, a number of carefully conducted studies have demonstrated that consistent condom use is a highly effective means of preventing HIV transmission.

    When it comes to STIs other than HIV, most epidemiologic studies of these are characterised by methodological limitations, and thus, the results across them vary widely - ranging from demonstrating no protection to demonstrating substantial protection. However, we now have enough evidence to demonstrate that condoms offer at least some and in some cases excellent protection against most STIs.

    Review by NIAID Given that condoms have been promoted as the first line of defence against HIV since the beginning of the epidemic, at least in the developed world, it is perhaps surprising that a really rigorous review establishing their efficacy against HIV and STIs was not conducted till June11 when the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases NIAID conducted a review of the evidence for their efficacy, spurred on partly by a political climate in the US which at the time was turning against the promotion of condoms and contraception, and towards abstinence and monogamy as the favoured method of protecting against STIs and pregnancy.

    It also prefaced this with the following warning, in bold print: For persons whose sexual behaviors place them at risk for STDs, correct and consistent use of the male latex condom can reduce the risk of STD transmission. However, no protective method is percent effective, and condom use cannot guarantee absolute protection against any STD. The NIAID review first determined the risks of exposure to semen due to condom breakage and found that this, given that breakage is quite rare, was a low risk: It also reviewed patterns of condom use amongst people in the US.

    The sample only included serodiscordant, sexually active, heterosexual couples HIV status was determined by serology so that exposure to HIV was known Data collection included self report about condom use The study design afforded longitudinal follow-up of HIV uninfected partner.

    Davis and Weller found 12 studies that met these criteria. The meta-analysis noted the direction of transmission male-to-female, female-to-male, and unstated and date of study enrolment.

    Condom usage was classified into the following three categories: To cite one of the 12 studies in more detail, 18 researchers looked at Italian serodiscordant couples in which the male partner was HIV positive. Annual HIV incidence was 7. Davis and Weller subsequently published another meta-analysis in19 this time of 14 studies. The studies with the longest follow-up time, consisting mainly of studies of partners of haemophiliac and transfusion patients, yielded an HIV incidence estimate of 5.

    In these nine studies there were only four seroconversions reported among 1. In contrast, when condoms were used inconsistently or not at all, of This is about the highest standard of proof we can expect from studies of condom efficacy. Taking Davis and Weller and Pinkerton together, one can say that the best efficacy estimates we have for the use of condoms in preventing HIV are: The paradox of intermittent use One fact that at first sight seems puzzling is that a number of studies of condom efficacy report that inconsistent use of condoms is in some cases worse than not using them at all.

    To take one study from Rakai, Uganda: He found that annual HIV incidence in non-users was 1. But he found that HIV incidence in inconsistent users was 2.

    Consistent condom users had half as many cases of gonorrhoea or chlamydia as non-users — again, broadly in line with other studies. How can sometimes using condoms be worse than never using them? The confounder which distorts these figures is sexual risk behaviour. The same paradox applies in studies of anal sex — see the next section.

    Or rather, in anal sex, as this is the transmission behaviour in question? But there has been only one small analysis of the extent to which using condoms actually prevents HIV infection in people who have anal sex, compared with people who do not use condoms. This may be because the figures for vaginal sex are simply extrapolated to anal sex; it may also be because, in gay men at least, a lot of HIV transmission happens in casual situations where the HIV serostatus of partners cannot be assessed, and so the degree of HIV exposure risk are difficult to quantify.

    A small review of condom efficacy and anal sex 22 found two studies amongst gay men and one amongst women that gave some indication of the relative effectiveness of condom use in anal sex. The one in women followed seroconversions amongst serodiscordant heterosexual couples and did ask whether they had anal intercourse. Anal intercourse was already a minority behaviour and unprotected anal intercourse even rarer, and the researchers could not directly compare seroconversion rates between women who used condoms for anal sex and ones who did not.

    The only large longitudinal study of condom efficacy in gay men was published back in Again, this is probably because men who never used condoms were likely to include monogamous men and ones who had less anal sex.

    The only later data we have relating HIV incidence among gay men to condom use come from retrospective studies of gay men diagnosed with HIV who were asked about their condom use. The rate of new HIV diagnosis among men who attempted always to use condoms was 1.

    This is a retrospective epidemiological study with nothing like the same degree of rigour as the studies of HIV serodiscordant couples, but, like the MACS study, it does yield an estimate of condom efficacy somewhat but not hugely lower than the lower bounds of condom efficacy noted in the Weller and Davis and Pinkerton meta-reviews. Does anal sex need stronger condoms? Is one of the reasons condoms appear somewhat less protective during anal sex that they are more likely to break?

    There have been plenty of studies of condom failure breakages, slipping off, etc. For instance, a Dutch study 26 of gay men, one-third of them HIV-positive, found that the overall failure rate during male-to-male anal sex was 3. The failure rate with the use of water-based lubricants was 1. However in the yearresearchers from London's City University presented a study 2728 of gay male couples who had been randomised to use either standard or thicker condoms for anal sex and additional water-based lubricant.

    Each couple was provided with nine condoms and completed a questionnaire after each sexual act. The researchers found that condoms broke for the same reasons as previously identified in studies among heterosexual couples: Use of additional inappropriate lubricant oil-based or saliva was also associated with condom breakage. Penis length was also associated with condom breakage, yet girth was not.

    The study found no significant differences between the two types of condoms with respect to breakage or slippage. Condoms were more likely to slip if lubricant was placed on the penis under the condom. A low incidence of breakage was reported for both condom types during appropriate use.

    Here, it found four studies that reported reductions in gonorrhoea associated with condom use, though only one study measured consistent and correct condom use. This may well have therefore underestimated the degree of protection offered by condoms.

    The only prospective study was one from in which the incidence of gonorrhoea in sailors who were clients of the same group of sex workers was studied. As this was in pre-AIDS days, condom use was low and only 29 out of sailors consistently used condoms 5. Nonetheless, it found no gonorrhoea infections in the 29 sailors who used condoms compared with 51 Syphilis The only other STI for which some degree of evidence on condom efficacy existed was syphilis, although this was hampered by the fact that at the time of the NIAID review, 11 syphilis prevalence in the population was at an historically low point.

    Another, amongst men attending STI clinics, found 2. However, inthe World Health Organization WHObenefiting from new study evidence, issued its own review 29 in which it was able at least to hazard a guess at condom efficacy against all STIs except human papillomavirus HPVthe genital wart virus. Chlamydia One prospective study in Peru 30 provided female sex workers with free condoms and safer sex advice and asked them to return for monthly examinations, STI treatment if necessary and evaluation of condom use over a period of 15 months.

    4 thoughts on “How to have sex on a plane

    1. Clearly CHEER HIGH is where these valedictorians went to school, do your research next time. poor comment, to shame, 3/10.

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